Other physicians are taking broader aim. Some claim that the principles enshrined in the oath never constituted a shared core of moral values, that the oath's pagan origins and moral cast make it antithetical to beliefs held by Christians, Jews, and Muslims. Others note that the classical Oath makes no mention of such contemporary issues as the ethics of experimentation, team care, or a doctor's societal or legal responsibilities. (Most modern oaths, in fact, are penalty-free, with no threat to potential transgressors of loss of practice or even of face.)
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earth from above numbered with the transgressors rar
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In describing the religious concepts of the natives of these isles it is well to bear in mind that they had not evolved any such a well-defined theological system as we are accustomed to. It may then be said that the heading of this chapter is an appropriate one, and that it is more correct to speak of Maori religious beliefs and practices than to dignify such by the name of religion. Had the cult of Io been known to, and practised by, the whole of the people, then assuredly the term religion might have been employed. But it was not so known, it was confined to the few, and the bulk of the people knew of no cultus superior to that of the departmental deities. This secondary phase was in the hands of the priesthood, whose duty it was to placate such beings and to perform the rites pertaining to the cultus. The ordinary man had direct interest only with inferior beings of the third and fourth classes. Thus the religious practices of the average person of a community were but little removed from shamanism.
Here then, among a barbaric and cannibal folk living at the ends of the earth, we encounter a remarkable concept of the Supreme Being. He is called Io the Parentless because he was never born of parents. He was Io the Parent because all things originated from him, or through his agency, albeit he begat no being. He was known as Io the Permanent because he is eternal and unchangeable, and as Io-te-waiora because he is the welfare of all beings and all things in all realms.
We have been told by one of our leading anthropologists that, when a people possess a number of departmental deities, then, sooner or later, the institution leads to the conception of a Supreme Being to stand above them. Presumably page 236 this was the process with the Maori, but the cult of the Supreme One was closely retained by the higher grade priests and the leading families.
Ruaumoko occupies a subordinate position as a departmental genius. His realm is a subterranean one, and his noxious manifestations are rare, hence we do not hear much of him and his activities, save in connection with the change of seasons, and when an earthquake occurs.
In one version Uenuku-rangi, personified form of the rainbow, is included as a member of the primal offspring, and, if this be correct, he should find a place in the class being page 238 dealt with. He is, however, usually viewed as a member of the third class of atua. His fame as a war god certainly extended far in these isles, and he was much in request as a controller and presiding genius in time of war. Many omens were derived from the appearance of rainbows.
The higher grade priests, whose titles are given above, confined themselves to the higher class ritual. They upheld the cult of Io and performed the higher class rites, but did not concern themselves with low class shamanistic practices. These men alone were acquainted with the ritual formulæ of the Io cultus, which contain a great number of sacerdotal expressions unknown to the majority of the people.
The descendants of the different vessels that brought the ancestors of the Maori to these isles place considerable stress upon the importance of the priests who came from Polynesia. Each party seems to believe that theirs was the most learned tohunga. Three renowned priests are said to have come hither in the vessel named Takitumu, namely, Ruawharo, Mahutonga, and Tupai. Some years ago the descendants of these migrants discussed the advisability of sending a deputation to Polynesia in order to seek records of ancient lore. They finally decided, however, that it would not be worth while, inasmuch as the most learned men of Polynesia of that period had come to New Zealand twenty generations ago Curiously enough I had heard the same story told in connection with the natives of Tahiti, who concluded that only inferior priests had come to New Zealand. So that both parties are quite satisfied as to their own knowledge of racial lore.
It often occurred that the office of tohunga descended from father to son, but at any time there might be a break in continuity, for divers reasons. When a tohunga was also an ariki, or superior chief, he occupied a very important position, and possessed much influence with the people.
The shadow of tapu lay over the Maori from birth until death, his very bones and their resting place remained tapu for all time. The higher the rank of a person the more tapu was he. It is interesting to note that slaves were held to be free from tapu, and yet no explanation is given as to their condition of welfare and their survival, why they did not perish in such a defenceless condition. The influence or essence of the gods that enshrouds or pervades all tapu persons is the vehicle of that quality. If it is necessary to a freeman, page 252 in order that he may retain life, how is it that the slave exists without it? Some native beliefs appear to be marked by certain inconsistencies, though the same remark might be applied to certain beliefs of higher races.
I well remember an incident that occurred in one of my bush camps long years ago. A travelling native friend arrived thereat one evening, and stated his intention of staying the night. After an evening's conversation on the subject of native legendary lore, my worthy friend retired to an adjacent hut to pass the night therein. Having stripped off all his garments, after the manner Maori, he wrapped his blanket round him and lay down to sleep. Happening to look up, however, he spied a bag of flour and a side of bacon suspended from the ridgepole above him. This truly alarming sight was too much for my guest; he gathered up his belongings and stalked into my tent, where he passed the night, first glancing at the ridgepole in order to ascertain if it supported any soul-destroying food product. Now the articles that had so dismayed him were not cooked foods, but he deemed them quite harmful enough to imperil his tapu life principle.
With regard to the performance of rites, ceremonial functions, all persons were acquainted with a certain number of simple acts performed in order to avert evil omens, etc., but what may perhaps be termed religious rites were in the hands of the few, the priest class. There is another matter that should be stressed, namely, that mana was an important factor in the attainment of success as a priest. A man who possessed human mana (mana tangata) was neccessarily a person of importance and influence. An incantation uttered by such a person would be effective. Mana atua, again, is a yet higher quality; by its aid man was enabled to perform great deeds, and such power emanates from the gods. After all a karakia, or charm, is merely a form of words, the power that renders it effective comes from the gods. Inasmuch as the Maori has lost his mana owing to the intrusion of Europeans, and their introduction of Christianity, it follows that no native ritual formulæ would be effective now. The old-time gods of the Maori are dead, or have deserted their kinsmen of the world of life.
In the above ceremonial affair we note a curious usage, the inclusion of a food steaming oven in ceremonial functions. Religious ceremonies were, among our Maori folk, often marked by a similar practice. A steam oven or steaming pit, the ordinary mode of cooking, was utilised for the cooking of food to be used in a ceremonial manner. That food might be a single tuber of kumara, to be used in the Whakanoa rite, or it might be a large quantity of varied foods destined for a ritual feast. All important religious functions were marked by a ceremonial feast. As in the case of the sacred or ritual fires, so also with these umu or steam ovens, the name of such oven came to be used as a name for the rite itself. Thus Umu hiki is the name of a certain magic rite; Umu tamoe that of a rite performed in order to deprive enemies of power; Umu pururangi is another to calm high winds, and Umu pongipongi a rite of black magic to destroy human life. Imu is a variant form of umu, and so we hear of the Imu horokaka, which is equivalent to Ahi horokaka, a war rite, also the Imu kirihau, Imu pararahi, etc.
Some explanation should be given here of the curious uses to which hair was put in connection with ritual performances. Human hair entered into ceremonial observances in a peculiar manner, presumably for the same reason that human saliva did, because it was something by which the human body could be represented. Also, the hair of the head of a man of rank and important mana might be thought to represent that mana, as also his tapu. The head of a tapu person is the most tapu part of his body, and hence hair-cutting in connection with such persons was really a religious function. The operator would remain tapu, and so practically helpless, for some time after the ceremonial hair-trimming; in fact, until the Whakanoa or tapu lifting rite was performed over him. One singular fact connected with hair-cutting was that it sometimes entered into important religious rites as a sort of climax; it was the final act of the ceremony with the exception of the removal of tapu from the participants. 2ff7e9595c
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